Both Labour and Tory numbers went up, but not by much. The really big gainers in that context were UKIP, for all the good it did them.
But looking at individual aspects of the vote are simplistic when trying to infer voter motivation from them, not least because of FPTP.
For a start, looking purely at Labour vote, it's not just the size of the vote, modestly up or not, but where it came from, that matters, in terms of the inferences we can draw for 2020. For instance, if that Labour increase in absolute numbers came from increases in seats where Labour already had a majority, then in terms of winning power, it's meaningless. A Labour icon increases their majority from 10,000 to 20,000 and it does nothing at all to put Labour in power.
If, for instance, Labour increase one majority as above, they gain no seats from that extea 10,000 votes. But in the next-door seat, the Tories get one tenth of that amount of extra vote, a mere 1000 more, and a 500 LD majority turns to a 500 Tory majority, they gain a seat. It's our rather screwy, out-dated and unrepresentative system at work.
But, short of (currently unlikely) large-scale change, it's the system wot we are stuck with.
And under that system, Labour not only has to get a LOT more votes than it did last time, but it has to get them in seats currently held by Tories. Given the Tories currently hold a (small) absolute majority, Labour could (if they stood in them all, which they don't) win every other seat in the House and we'd still have a Tory government.
Labour HAS to take seats from the Tories to win. If it doesn't, Tories win. Period.
Yet, the tories increased their vote share (marginally) AND did it primarily in historically Tory areas, which is mainly South, South East (excluding most of London), East and now, South West too. These are areas where Blair's New Labour won government because it took quite a few seats in historically Tory areas.
That's what I mean by centre-ground. Blair was, by explicit, cold, calculating deliberate intent, close enough to Tory policy to appeal to that non-ideological, centre-ground voter that was not politically blinkered by party, and fed up with the bicketing going on in late-Thatcher days, and the days of Major's "bastards". Despite Major's best efforts, the party was doing a good job of showing internal dissension, conflict and in-fighting. Though I have to say I think Labour's current antics are showing the Tories under Major up for rank amateurs in the in-fighting stakes, by comparison.
What was Blair's dumping of clause 4 about? It was part of a calculated attempt to position Labour in that centre-ground, precisely where it needed to be to win, precisely because to do so, he needed to take voters from the Tories in exactly the seats I'm talking about.
Given than Corbyn, however honest and integrity-stuffed he is, wants to go exactly in the opposite direction, how in the hell does he think that's going to appeal to precisely that same voter demographic, without whom, Labour CANNOT win.
As I said, I admire his idealism, his integrity in sticking to what he believes in. Sadly, in a sense, I think he's also in the process of redefining the meaning of "longest political suicide note in history".
Personally, I think the left-wing agenda is madness. It had some theoretical merit about 100 years ago, but the world's moved on, and so has the environment in which we all live. That's what Blair got, that the old class divides were weakened if not vanished, that the welfare state, employment protection laws, and especially ever-improving educational standards which, despite problems we still have, are VASTLY improved over where they were 50 years ago, never mind 100. And, ideologically, vastly more people see aspirationvas desirable, and even, more achievable, than it those overtly class-ridden days.
For instance, my family comes from a traditional mining area. And miners. Yet, after the strike, vast numbers of ex-miners have repositioned themselves, and LOTS started up small businesses, including insurance agencies, carpet shots, a couple of garages, a village post office, double-glazing installations, builders, carpenters, sparkies, and so on. Some even directly used existing skills, like sparkies.
In short, there's been a transition from miner ==> business owner, and with it, a transition in ideology. That's just an example, but that transition towards weekly-paid employee to aspiration is far from unique. Neither New Labour nor Tories preclude believing in social justice, but rsther, in how to get there, and the macro policies that'll do it. What won't, IMHO, happen, is appealing to a population where the old ideological divides have eroded and 'class war' is a phrase from history books, resulting in Tory held seats voting for a far-left candidate. Or government.
The left wingers in the Labour party throw "Blairite" around like as much of an insult as "Tory", and while Blair's unpopularity (with the country) is obvious, that's largely about Iraq. That doesn't take away from the cold, hard fact that he was, and remains, right about how to get elected. Which, in short, is to be where the centrist, floating voters are.
One more thing. There's almost nothing voters distrust more than a party bickering within itself. That kept the Tories out of even contention, let alone power, for nearly a decade and a half. And they didn't have anything like the bickering Labour are currently having. It's getting hard to watch Newsnight, or the BBC/Sky Paper reviews, or read a newspaper, with the Corbyn bandwagon and the pronouncements from most of the rest, bring front and centre, if not front page. Day, after day, week after week after week. It's becoming a farce. And I'll bet future books of political analysis hold it up as a perfect example of how-to-fall-apart. I'm surprised a single Tory can appear on camera with collapsing in giggles, if not hysterical laughter. I know it's summer, and a Commons recess, but honestly, Tories seem quite content to hide away and let Labour implode. I don't blame them. A politician, camera-shy? Who'd have thunk it?